The United Nations Force in Cyprus Since 1964

By David Carter

author of The Cyprus Tapes

Aphrodite's Killers, the book

Disposition of United Nations Forces in November 2007, showing sector boundaries and the Buffer Zone (c) Unficyp

THE United Nations Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP) was established in March 1964, with the United Kingdom making the largest contribution in personnel and logistical support. Today the Force is the fourth oldest mission of its kind in the world. To fulfil its limited mandate, 1,230 military personnel from 12 different countries currently work alongside 35 police officers and 245 locally - and internationally - recruited civilians. Since the Turkish military intervention in 1974, UNFICYP's main task has been to maintain peace and stability in the Buffer Zone that separates the TRNC from the South, and to ensure there is no alteration of the status quo along the two cease-fire lines drawn on 16 August 1974. To understand why, it is necessary to trace the history of the original co-partnership Republic of Cyprus and its collapse.

THE BACKGROUND

BRITAIN gave Cyprus independence in August 1960, with the exception of 99 square miles that would remain Sovereign territory and would be used as military bases. Britain also retained control of sites on Mount Olympus, Cape Greco, RAF Nicosia and Famagusta harbour. Although the Republic of Cyprus was established under a set of complicated rules and treaties, neither the Greek Cypriots nor the Cypriot Turks were happy about the way it had been created. Both sides had co-existed to a point under British colonial rule, but had maintained their separate religions, languages and cultures. Their political ambitions, too, were poles apart. The new Cyprus Republic's Constitution guaranteed the Cypriot Turkish population co-founder status, a large measure of self-government in their areas, certain key ministries, and the right to veto any decisions involving defence, internal security and foreign affairs with which they might disagree. A separate treaty, the Treaty of Guarantee, was signed by the UK, Turkey and Greece. This stated that the Greek Cypriots could not seek Enosis and the Cypriot Turks would not demand partition. It allowed the signatories individually or collectively to intervene in Cyprus if the integrity of the Republic were threatened from any quarter or if hostile acts were committed by either community against the other.

The third treaty - the Treaty of Alliance - was signed by Cyprus, Greece and Turkey. To ensure the "peace", small contingents of Greek and Turkish armed forces were given permission to base themselves in various parts of the island.

 
 

Community Differences

WHILE most Cypriot Turks believed that the 1960 Constitution gave them only the barest legal rights and protection within the strongly nationalistic Greek society (which outnumbered them 5 to 1), many Greek Cypriots, for their part, continued to argue that they had only achieved partial independence as they were prohibited from Enosis - union with Greece - for which Grivas and his Eoka terrorists had fought the British between 1955 and 1959. To secure their aim, the Greek Cypriots knew they would have to change the Constitution and neutralise the Cypriot Turkish community one way or another. For the first three years of the Republic, there was little trouble between the two sides. Archbishop Makarios was the President and Dr Fazil Kucuk, a Cypriot Turk, was Vice-President. Even so, many former Eoka leaders were given senior appointments in the administration and vigorously opposed the implementation of those sections of the Constitution that granted Cypriot Turks self-government in their well-defined areas, scattered island-wide. In April 1963, Cypriot Turks took their case to the Supreme Constitutional Court, which then ruled in their favour. However, the Government's Greek Cypriot members, including Makarios, refused to accept the Court's judgement. As a direct consequence, the Court's President, Ernest Forsthoff, Professor of Public Law at Heidelberg, resigned in anger. This was followed by a belligerent statement by Polykarpos Yorgadjis, the Minister of the Interior. He declared: "There is no place in Cyprus for anyone who is not Greek." During the 50s, Yorgadjis had been one of the most fanatical Eoka terrorists. With his official command of the Republic's security forces, he had the means to turn his words into deeds; or so the Cypriot Turks believed. Soon afterwards, Yorgadjis was backed by Makarios who declared on 4 September 1962: "Unless this small Turkish community, forming part of the Turkish race, which has been the terrible enemy of Hellenism is expelled, the duty of the heroes of Eoka can never be considered as terminated."

Constitutional Changes

In November, Makarios summoned Kucuk, his Cypriot Turk Vice-President, and told him that the Greek Cypriots would introduce 13 amendments to the Constitution. These would take away all the guarantees of the original. No debate or argument would be tolerated. Makarios pointed out that his ministers had been preparing for this moment since the creation of the Republic and had organised an underground military force to ensure the new arrangements. The Makarios proposals closed the debate on whether the Greek Cypriots had implemented the original Constitution or whether the Cypriot Turks had been willing to negotiate any changes.

Violent Outcome

BY his declaration Makarios brought into the open all the differences that existed between the two communities. The atmosphere became heavy with fear and mistrust. Forgotten were the hopes that had existed in 1960 that there could be a unified Cyprus nation one day. Now it only needed a spark to ignite a violent explosion. That spark happened on 21 December 1963 in the early hours of the morning. A group of Cypriot Turks travelling back from the coastal port of Kyrenia to their homes in Nicosia was stopped on the road by a group of Greek Cypriots dressed in police uniforms. The latter claimed they were conducting a search for illegal weapons. A few moments later there was a burst of automatic gunfire and the driver and his passengers, one a pregnant woman, were riddled with bullets. However, the woman lived long enough to tell what happened to a group of Cypriot Turks who came to her aid. Her story was immediately believed by the Cypriot Turkish community. Next morning they gathered in the streets of north Nicosia to protest. Immediately Eoka activists, many in police uniforms, began disarming Cypriot Turkish policemen and accused them of defying the laws of the Republic. With scant regard for the civilian population, battle commenced. Wherever there were Cypriot Turkish communities in Cyprus, the barricades went up.

Expulsions

THE Cypriot Turks were expelled from all Government offices and ministerial posts and virtually dumped in the streets. They now believed they were in mortal danger, despite the Vice-President's call for calm.

Matters were made worse when Eoka strongman Nicos Sampson, the killer of British troops in the back, went on state radio and ordered his supporters to storm Cypriot Turkish enclaves. Violence escalated out of control. Although widespread massacres of Cypriot Turks were taking place throughout the island, they were fighting back and inflicting serious casualties on their attackers. A brutal civil war was taking place. (Several years later, the Greeks admitted implementing their "Akritas Plan", the intention of which was to wipe-out the Cypriot Turks in a series of carefully co-ordinated attacks by massive force. It failed due to the resistance of the Cypriot Turks who had also planned for such an eventuality, although outnumbered and out-gunned.)

Greek Cypriot Fears

ON Christmas Day, the 950 troops of the Greek Army stationed in Cyprus joined Sampson and his mob, equipped with mortars, artillery and heavy machine guns. The Turkish contingent of 650 soldiers took up strategic positions on the Nicosia-Kyrenia road. Three Turkish jet fighters screamed across the capital as a warning to the Greeks to stop. Paul Marion was a member of the US Navy electronics intelligence gathering facility north of Nicosia, which was set up in 1957. He told me: "I was having a fine lunch at my house, when I heard the planes. They buzzed our neighbourhood so low that they had to climb to clear the slight hill on which we lived. "I dashed up to the roof and saw my Greek neighbours watching the sky. They pleaded for assurances that the aircraft were American. "Sorry. Turkish planes, Turkish insignia and pilots. Then we heard booms in the downtown area which many of us thought were exploding bombs. In fact, they were sonic booms and the noise of the jets' after-burners. This was easily the most memorable Christmas of my 71 years." Bob Casale, a member of the USN team at the American Embassy says: "Battles were fought in all areas of Cyprus, day and night, but the most significant battles took place at night when bands of men roamed the streets, "Most of the fighting in Nicosia was confined to the walled city, where small arms firing at night could be heard for miles. At our hotel, we could hear the noise and, as a precaution, kept the drapes drawn and lights off so as not to attract the attention of a wayward sniper looking for a target. Travel was significantly restricted and it had a dramatic effect on our work schedule." Britain called for an immediate cease-fire. (At this time, few people knew that it was the British High Commissioner who had given Makarios the "green light" to demand and implement his Constitutional amendments.) Makarios and his team, frightened by what they had unleashed, now called for urgent talks with the Cypriot Turkish leadership, as well as drawing into the discussions the diplomatic representatives of Britain and the United States. At no time, however, did they order their underground forces, including Sampson, to stop their attacks. Village after village of Cypriot Turks continued to be annihilated.

Britain Acts

AT the request of Makarios, Britain now provided a "peace force" from its Sovereign Bases. It would be the forerunner of the UN Force. Greek and Turkish military units were expected to be part of it. Major-General Peter Young took command. By New Year's Day 1964 he had positioned his troops between the two sides in Nicosia and tried to impose a cease-fire. The General looked at a map of the capital and with a green china graph pencil drew a line. The Cypriot Turks were to stay North and the Greek Cypriots South. This has become known as "The Green Line". The term is often misused to indicate the division of Cyprus today, but actually only relates to Nicosia. "Mac" McElliligot was a Flight Lieutenant with the RAF Regiment and given the job of setting up a Wing Headquarters, Operations, Briefing and Intelligence Unit, in a mobile caravan that was parked in a Nicosia street. "On one occasion, at the request of the Turkish Vice-President, we had to send eight vehicles, drivers and escorts to a remote Turkish village which had been levelled to the ground by Greek elements using tractors and other heavy, armour-plated vehicles," he recalls. "The bodies of those killed were brought back and handed over to the Vice-President in the Turkish part of the walled city."

 In the space of just four days, 30,000 Cypriot Turks were forced to flee 103 villages, according to UN reports. "One incident I recall with amusement from those days was when a Greek manager of the Ledra Palace Hotel, where we had moved our Ops, came to me and handed a wad of bills for our accommodation. They totalled £8,000..

"I returned them to him and said: 'We were brought into this conflict at the request of Makarios to aid the civil power - give the bills to him with my compliments. That was the last I heard."

ALTHOUGH British, Turkish and Greek military units were supposed to work together to keep the peace, they did not. The Greeks helped the Greek Cypriots to enforce their rule over the Cypriot Turks, while the Turkish army contingent did their best to oppose them. Simultaneously, Makarios, having agreed that the responsibility for bringing peace rested with the three Guarantor Powers, took the matter to the UN and demanded an emergency session of the Security Council. He accused Turkey of aggression and intervention in the affairs of an independent State. Apart from British military personnel being used in Nicosia to prevent outbreaks of fighting, they were also sent to keep the peace and prevent the two communities battling each other in other "sensitive" areas, although they were prevented from using force to protect either side. Will-power was the British soldiers' chief weapon as they could only use their guns in self-defence.

US Recollections

JOHN Barstow was a 19 year-old United States Navy sailor attached to the American Embassy in Nicosia. He still has a high regard for the actions of the British soldiers. He says: "They just seemed to conduct themselves in a mature manner and acted as if their actions would reflect on their country and themselves. They manned the machine gun positions along the 'Green Line' and their military bearing never faltered. This, in spite of some confrontations with the local Greeks. The Brits' military bearing, their coolness and nerve in the face of threats impressed me." Joe Moody was another young USN sailor. He remembers: "I had diplomatic immunity and US personnel had freedom of movement, which I found ironic as the Greeks and Turks were unable to travel from city to city and areas in Nicosia." All the Americans dressed in sweat-shorts and jeans, had their hair in crew-cuts and draped their cars in the US flag to avoid being mistaken for combatants. Moody continues: "At that time in my life I drank excessively and the drive over the Kyrenia pass was very dangerous. Many times, the Turkish Cypriot guards would invite us out of the car for a couple of cups of coffee and sober me up before allowing me to continue my journey. "Many times, we would stop and share lunch with them in the pass or other remote checkpoints. They would also give us small gifts, again, not to bribe us, simply because they wanted to." "In return for those favours, I some times brought cans of gas for them as a gift. It wasn't that they couldn't afford gas, they just could not get it for any price. It had become a Turkish island without a sea. The Turks were dependant on the whims of the Greeks for most supplies and the Greeks acted as total asses and withheld supplies for no reason." Barstow adds: "My sentiments did favour the Turks during this time. I thought they were a vastly outnumbered minority, many of whom were literally butchered for no other reason than being Turkish."

DURING his early days in Cyprus, Barstow was "taken advantage financially" by the Greeks. "This problem went away as I began to become familiar with the local currency and ways of life. As my knowledge of the Greek language grew, I began to realise that insults were being directed my way when it was thought that I could not understand. "I never felt that this sort of thing came from the Turks. I always felt welcome in Kyrenia with the Turks and they often invited me to join in their family activities." Another US sailor, Ken Wise, the Embassy's Chief Storekeeper, adds: "We lived right among the Turks and learned a lot of their culture, attending their weddings and sharing their holidays. We made a lot of friends." (Before Moody left Cyprus, he met a WRAC Corporal, who was the PA for the Royal Engineers' CO at Dhekelia. "I arrived on the 'Island of Love' single and left three years later married and the proud father of a daughter.") In February 1964, Greek Cypriots bombed the code room of the American Embassy. The Ambassador was the probable target because his apartment was above. The culprits were never found. Makarios came the next day "to apologise". The Americans immediately evacuated families the next day to Italy, Turkey and the Lebanon All sensitive electronics equipment was also sent abroad. From the sidelines, encouraged by Makarios, the UN was watching the situation deteriorate. As a consequence, Secretary-General U. Thant decided to station an official observer in Cyprus. He was Lt-General Prem Singh Gyani from India. Soon afterwards the London Daily Telegraph observed: "In endeavouring single-handed to keep the peace, we (Britain) have clearly assumed a task which is already beyond our powers... Greek opinion on the island grows daily more inflamed against us. Already Greek-Cypriot forces openly defy our attempts to restore order and will deal only with the United Nations' representative, General Gyani. This might be welcome enough in a way, if in fact General Gyani represented anything of substance."

UN Acts

INTENSE diplomatic activity followed during the next six weeks as efforts were made to find a solution that would satisfy Greek and Turkish aspirations without endangering Nato, of which both Turkey and Greece were members. To circumvent some of these difficulties, Britain recommended a 10,000-strong Nato "Peace Force", with the United States providing 2,000 soldiers for island service. The plan was rejected by Makarios who wanted Cyprus to stay "a non-aligned nation". But fighting continued despite the sterling efforts and good intentions of British troops. Stopped from taking preventive action, the British began to find their mission increasingly frustrating. Greek Cypriots mocked their impotence and accused them of partisanship. Cypriot Turks, on the other hand, while grateful for their limited protection, thought it was insufficient and wished they were fully defended by men of the Turkish Army. Fed up with the thankless position in which it found itself, Britain handed the "Cyprus Problem" to the UN in February to solve. Between 18 February an 4 March 1964, the UN debated Cyprus, listening intently to the Greek Cypriot leadership that officially attended the debates. Turkish Cypriots were excluded, until America's Ambassador to the UN, Adlai Stevenson insisted that Rauf Denktas be allowed to put his side's case.

Stevenson's demand was vigorously opposed by the delegates from Greece and the Soviet Union. Yet, when Denktas addressed the Security Council, he was only allowed to speak "not as a representative of his community in Cyprus, but as a private individual". "Thus," says Professor Michael Moran, "came about the quite extraordinary and calamitous exclusion by the international community of the Turkish Cypriots from their rightful place among the official representatives of the Cyprus Republic in international fora, which exists to this day." Denktas pointed out on 28 February that "genocide of Turks is in full swing" and stressed "the principles of justice, of the role of law, humanity and equality have all been denied." He continued: "The Constitution as well as the International Treaty which brought about Cyprus have been wilfully and wickedly ignored. It is the people who have done or condoned all these acts and have not hesitated to resort to genocide who are before the Security Council today claiming to be the victims of the situation." This was the first time Denktas had ever addressed such an important international assembly. "They (the Greeks) themselves have deliberately brought about the situation with a view to annihilating the Turks of Cyprus, while the world is invited to look on and do nothing because, as they put it, 'this is an internal affair and anyone who tries to intervene and stop the massacres, albeit under a Treaty recognised by the United Nations, is guilt of aggression. "The Greek Cypriot delegation pretends to agree to the necessity of an international peace-keeping force. The Treaty of Guarantee provides for such a force." Denktas asked: "Why do they object to the increase in number of the Greek and Turkish contingents in Cyprus who could effectively secure peace in the island jointly with the British? Why prolong the debate while innocent Turkish lives are lost?" He pointed out that in just two months more than 800 Turks had been killed (mostly women, old men and children) and their properties "ruthlessly" destroyed. Denktas argued: "The Greek Cypriot insistence on recognition of the integrity and their sovereignty of Cyprus by the Security Council is a trick for finding the untenable excuse to argue that the Treaty of Guarantee is non-effective with getting a free licence to continue the massacre of the Turks under the umbrella of the United Nations. "Why do the Greeks want to get rid of the Treaty? The answer is clear. They want to take away our constitutional rights by brute force and violence. The Treaty obliges them to respect the rule of law, human dignity and equal treatment of their fellow men in equality and justice. "This the Greeks have refused to do for the last three years. When they realised that they could not get their way by intrigue and subversive activities, they did not fail to use the mass killing of Turks as a means. With this object in view, Turks have been attacked and killed since 21 December 1963, under the war cry of enosis." Although Denktas spoke movingly to the Security Council, Moran maintains he need not have bothered. The Turkish Cypriot leader left the chamber in tears.

THE UNFICYP MANDATE

ON 4 March 1964, the UN Security Council passed Resolution 186. It cast the Turkish Cypriots in "the preposterous role of a 'rebellious minority' - an image that the Greek Cypriot delegates had repeatedly presented," Moran believes. "This situation still prevails, at least in the minds of those susceptible to Greek propaganda." The Daily Telegraph said: "By now the intentions of the Greek Cypriots - if not Archbishop Makarios then of the gunmen who appear to surround, defy and terrorise him - can hardly be mistaken. Are they not at best to reduce the Turkish minority to total subjection, stripped of all rights and protection? If it is the duty of our troops (British) to obstruct these plans, it will also be the duty of any UN Peace Force worthy of its name... The gunmen want no peace force, because they want no peace. All they want from outside is the ring held against the threat of Turkish invasion while they finish the job." Resolution 186 paid no heed to views similar to those of the Daily Telegraph. Instead it defined the UNFICYP mission in the following terms:

"To prevent a recurrence of fighting by assisting pragmatically in the maintenance of the cease-fire;

"To contribute to the maintenance and restoration of law and order, with particular reference to the security and well-being of the communities, as requested and agreed by them; and

"To contribute to the restoration of normal conditions."

UNFICYP was given no military muscle to enforce its authority. It was a toothless tiger from the moment it was formed. That original mandate still applies, although there are, in reality, two separate states today in Cyprus - the officially recognised "Republic of Cyprus", run by the Greeks in the South, and the "Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC), recognised by Turkey alone. Paragraph 7 of the Resolution, however, recommends that "the UN Secretary-General should appoint a mediator in agreement with the Governments of Cyprus, Greece, Turkey and the United Kingdom and that this mediator should use his best endeavours with the representatives of the two Cypriot communities and also the aforesaid four Governments for the purpose of promoting a peaceful solution and an agreed solution to the problem confronting Cyprus." No wonder that when Resolution186 was passed the Greek Cypriot delegation cheered. It accepted that the Government of Cyprus belonged to the Greeks, and the Turks were no longer part of it. It means, even now, that the TRNC is regarded as illegitimate in UN eyes and the Turkish Cypriot point of view can only be expressed by other governments, which, in this case, is Turkey. Moran says: "The exclusion of Turkish Cypriots from international fora originates from this time." Within 10 days of Resolution 186 being passed, the UN's General Gyani refused to intervene in one of the fiercest battles launched by Greek Cypriots. They used mortars, heavy machine-guns, bazookas and armoured bulldozers to assault the Turks in the small south-west town of Ktima. A detachment of Royal Artillery, under the command of Brigadier Donald Crane, was pinned down and trapped in a police station by the gun fire as they tried to negotiate a ceasefire. Later, the Greek Cypriots accused the British of protecting the Turkish community. British soldiers, despite the firing, tried to bring the fighting to an end. Greeks wearing steel helmets pointed their guns at them. One soldier was slightly injured when a bullet ricocheted off a wall. Captain William Bacon survived unscathed when a Greek bazooka rocket exploded near him as he was talking to a Tuirkish Cypriot civilian.

"Outgunned and outnumbered, 3,000 Turkish inhabitants of Ktima, ancient capital of the Paphos district, are fighting a desperate house-to-house battle for survival," wrote Howard Johnson of the London Daily Mirror from the scene. "Ninety-four British troops are helpless to do more than try to evacuate the wounded and dodge the bullets and mortar fire. "Seventy of the men of No 18 Battery, Royal artillery, are pinned down in a house in the market square. "Twenty-four Royal Dragoons are isolated in the town in their Ferret armoured cars. "The Greek Cypriot police chief said: 'The forces of law and order will clear the town, disarm the Turks, and stop action only when the Turks completely surrender." In one incident, a Greek Cypriot armoured bulldozer threatened the house in which Royal Artillery troops were pinned down. Three times their officer shouted: "If you move any nearer, we will fire on you." Only when he gave the order for his men to aim their Browning machine gun did the Greeks pull back. A Canadian correspondent from the Toronto Daily Star reported: "Soon, weary British soldiers, armed only with persuasive tongues and guns they aren't permitted to fire, will be there, wearing Blue Berets, trying to arrange a 'peace'. "A UN resolution in far-off New York doesn't have much impact in Cyprus. The British Army is fighting a losing battle. And one wonders whether a United Nations force will do any better."

A Greek Cypriot government spokesman said: "Turkish insurgents continue to use minarets as machine posts. The forces of the state have no alternative but to consider such minarets as military targets in order to save the lives of innocent civilians. "The security forces (Greek) are pounding the nests of the Turkish terrorists, forcing them to retreat from their original positions despite the protection afforded them by the intervention of British troops." When British General Richard Carver arrived by helicopter in Paphos, the scene of another one-sided battle, 3,000 Greek Cypriots crowded him against a car. They shouted "English get out." Only the intervention of a Greek police superintendent, Michael Papageorgiou, swinging a heavy cane at the demonstrators, saved Carver from harm. Later, British military observers confirmed that Greek Cypriots attacked the Turkish community without provocation.

In hilly country in the north-west of the island, two British soldiers of the Life Guards died when their armoured car left the road and crashed. They were rushing to the scene of another Greek Cypriot attack.

THE FIRST 10 YEARS

IN 1964, however, the Security Council was so-confident of the success of the UN Force, its mandate was for six months only. Of all the options which Makarios had reviewed in 1964, UNFICYP was the most acceptable, for it recognised him alone as the President, his authority as legal, Cyprus as independent and therefore, by implication, his right to change the Constitution and other laws as the Greek Cypriots saw fit. Makarios and his supporters also believed Turkey would never dare attack and that the Cypriot Turks could now be controlled by an exclusively Greek Cypriot-managed government.

According to the UN: "Throughout 1964 and later Makarios and the Greek Cypriot leadership adopted the view that the establishment of UNFICYP had set aside the rights of intervention granted to the Guarantor Powers - Britain, Greece and Turkey - by the Treaty of Guarantee." The Greek Cypriots considered the constitution and treaty provisions were "flexible" and "subject to change". Turkish Cypriots took a diametrically opposed position. They are fixed agreements and not subject to change, they insisted. The Archbishop's assumptions proved very wrong during the next decade. For the time being, however, it was up to UNFICYP to deploy its 7,000 troops, who were volunteers from Australia, Austria, Canada, Denmark, Finland, Ireland and the UK. They were commanded by Lt General Gyani from India. He reported directly to the UN Secretary-General. Britain found itself making the largest contribution to the Force, both with personnel and logistical support. The UN maintains this Force is the most cost-effective operation run from New York. From that moment two classes of British soldier were created in Cyprus: those who were retained at the Sovereign Bases of Episkopi in the West and Dhekelia in the East, directly under British command, and those who wore the Blue Beret and whose orders came from the Secretary General of the UN.

IN 1964 - and for the next 10 years - UNFICYP soldiers were deployed island-wide. They took up positions wherever there was "a threatened minority", which meant the Cypriot Turks. There were other difficulties as well for the UN troops. Whose "law and order" were they to "maintain and restore"? Cypriot Turks, thrown out from the official Government, were managing their own affairs in their enclaves. What could UNFICYP do if the Greek Cypriot administration passed laws which Cypriot Turks deemed unconstitutional and refused to obey? After all, Cypriot Turks were never going to "request' or "agree" anything of which they disapproved. As far as they were concerned the original 1960 Republic ceased to exist the moment they were thrown out by Makarios from the state they had co-founded by international agreement. Equally difficult, therefore, for UNFICYP was how to implement the Security Council mandate which insisted the Force promote a return to "normal conditions" and "contribute to the security" of the communities in conflict.

ALMOST by definition, UNFICYP had its hands tied from the outset and could do little more than maintain the status quo. But as the Force could not act unilaterally, nor allowed to take preventive military action, it was unable to stop the Greek Cypriots from continuing their attacks or blockading the Cypriot Turks. Time and time again, UN soldiers who tried to prevent massacres by the Greeks were disarmed and marched away or left to watch and then to report the details of the incident. It is a fact, however, that where there were British troops, there were few hostile incidents or if there were, the attackers were given short shrift by the "squaddies" and their officers.

UK Soldiers Remember

LEO Gordon Marchant of the Royal Signals, attached to UNFICYP, was posted to small Turkish village (Anadhiou) between Polis and Paphos, which was surrounded by the Greeks. He was with a section of the 1st Battalion The Royal Green Jackets. "While there I became very good friends with the Turks, found them to be a great people and I always tried to help them out - even if this meant bending a few rules," he says. Because there was no local electricity in the village, Marchant strung a power line from his small radio shack to the local cafe and plugged in some bulbs. These received electricity from his 1kw Onan battery charging engine. He recalls: "Everybody seemed pleased with the arrangement until the UN guy in charge of the area came up and told me it was 'favouritism' because the Greeks in the adjoining village had no lights. I explained that I wasn't only a radio bod, but acted as 'chief medic' as well and used the cafe for nightly 'surgeries'. I told him that I'd be delighted to treat the Greeks also, if they cared to visit. I got away without a reprimand and carried on."

Meanwhile, at Kophinou, a small detatchment of 1 RGJ was positioned twixt the Greek National Guard and Cyprus police and a small Turkish village nearby.
'One evening the Greeks opened , hitting the UN outpost with unerring accuracy,' Marchant remembers. 'When the CO of the RGJ at Polemedhia was informed, he instructed his men at Kophinou to remove their "Blue" berets, replace them with the Light Infantry Green berets and to return fire if they felt in danger!
'As soon as the Greeks saw the section taking off their Blue Berets and putting on Green ones, all firing ceased!'
Last year, Marchant revisited South Cyprus and went back to Anadhiou. "It was now totally populated by Greeks, the Turks having been forced out in '74. When I explained by presence to some nosy locals, they asked me to leave and never come back. They didn't want to reflect on their past attitudes towards terrorism."

Medals Fiasco

CYPRIOT Turks today acknowledge individual acts of bravery by the British members of UNFICYP. They also talk about soldiers, who ignored the mandate, and provided humanitarian help to starving villages, against the wishes of senior non-British UN officers. Peter Johnson, another signaller, has bitter memories of the British UN contingent's treatment by some senior officers and the UK government. While other nations' soldiers received a UN medal for their six month-tour of duty, "we had to go begging for it, yes, begging for the bloody thing". "We had actually gone there first in early '64, when it was our job to try keeping the peace, but then we were formed up as UNFICYP Signals Troop. Medals were handed out by the UN, but our Ministry of Defence at first said it was NOT a British campaign medal, later relenting. "We were told to line up outside the Camp Commandant's office at 09.00, which everyone did - but in dribs and drabs, lined up by an infantry sergeant major, a short, hairy arsed bugger, hard as nails. "Lined up, eventually along came the CO, trailing alongside was a bombardier holding blue boxes piled high in his arms. Then we were told to hold out our hands. 'Here, here', said the officer, handing us one each. Ceremony? It was a bloody disgrace. Still got the thing, up in the loft though."

Sunshine Holidays

FOR its apparent failures UNFICYP faced a barrage of criticism from all directions during the next 10 years. Its soldiers, dressed in the standard uniforms of their countries, except for their sleeve patches and distinctive blue berets, were called "umpires" and "tourists". For when attacks took place, they could only put their heads down, wait for the shooting to stop, and then get up and count the casualties of both sides. Blaming the major powers for all the ills of this tiny island had been a favourite Greek pastime, but now UNFICYP became the prime target for abuse. Very soon many of UNFICYP soldiers began to think of their Cyprus tour as nothing more than "our annual sunshine holiday".

Greek Forces Build-up

IN June 1964, the Greek Cypriot House of Representatives passed a bill establishing their National Guard, in which all Greek males between the ages of 18 and 59 were liable to compulsory military service. This action went against the Constitution of the original co-partnership Republic. Immediately Makarios invited Grivas to assume command of his forces.

The Greek Cypriot leadership had decided that by creating UNFICYP, the UN Security Council had set aside the rights of intervention granted to Turkey, Greece and the UK by the Treaty of Guarantee to intervene. The Greek Cypriots continued to contend that the Constitution and the provisions of other treaties were "flexible and subject to change under changing conditions", Turkish Cypriots argued the contrary. These diametrically opposed views illustrated the basic differences between the two sides.

Erenkoy Attacked

EVEN so, between 1964 and 1974, there was a certain uneasy peace, apart from two major incidents, which forced Turkey to intervene, using its Air Force, to prevent whole scale destruction of the Turkish communities. The first was at Erenkoy, a small port on the north-west coast Led by General Grivas and ordered by Archbishop Makarios, the Greeks went on the attack after disarming the officers and men of the United Nations Force in Cyprus (UNFICYP), which was supposed to keep the peace in the area. Day after day Greek guns battered the small village. Women and children were forced to hide in caves as destruction rained down on them. The attack stopped only after Turkish jet fighters came to the defenders' aid and world opinion became outraged by what was taking place. The Daily Mail said: "It has been half-forgotten that the Turkish (air) raids were launched in defence of Turkish positions and under extreme provocation... The eyes of the world seem at last to be opened to Makarios's real nature." When the UN commander, General Thimayya, was eventually allowed into the village, he found 800 starving civilian refugees. Horrified by the scene, he ordered immediate relief supplies. Soon afterwards the Swedish UN contingent was replaced by the Queen's Company of the British Grenadier Guards. Colonel Oliver Lindsay, CBE, was a young officer at the time. He told me: "The area looked and felt under siege, with Turkish Cypriots crammed into tents and make-shift shelters. A massacre was a real possibility." I questioned Colonel Lindsay about the UN Force's failure to stop the Greek Cypriot assaults. He replied: "UNFICYP was not meant to fight. Fire could only be opened if attacked, and then only as a last resort. We were there to pacify, observe, report and act as a quick reaction force to prevent incidents developing into war."

Because of its limited mandate - which still runs - UNFICYP could never be an effective means to ensure peace. The attacks on Erenkoy stopped only when Turkey promised further punitive action against the Greeks.

THE next major flare-up occurred in November 1967. At the instigation of General Grivas, a massive artillery assault was mounted against two Turkish villages following a dispute over Greek Cypriot police patrols. Once again, Turkey intervened by threatening to land forces and go to war with Greece. The Greeks ceased their attacks. America, too, helped defuse the situation by mediating an agreement that lasted for the next seven years: all foreign troops in excess of those permitted by the Treaty of Alliance were to be removed and the Greek National Guard was to be dismantled in exchange for immediate Turkish Cypriot demobilisation. While Grivas was recalled to Athens, along with 10,000 Greek soldiers, the National Guard was not dissolved.

Turkish Administration

IN December of that year, Turkish Cypriot leaders announced a "transitional administration" to govern their community's affairs, which included an elected legislative assembly composed of the Turkish Cypriot members - in absentia - of the original Republic's House of Representatives and their Communal Chamber. By this stage, there was de facto partition of the island. While Makarios remained the "official" President of Cyprus, but his authority stopped at the Turkish enclaves. The violence between the two communities continued and UNFICYP was barely able to control it. In 1971 Grivas returned secretly to Cyprus and launched Eoka-B to fight Makarios, whom he considered a traitor to the Greek cause, and to continue the battle for enosis. Tension was heightened everywhere. The Greek Colonels in Athens saw the danger of war between Greece and Turkey over Cyprus and many believe they were prepared to make a deal to settle the "Cyprus Problem" outside the UN, backed by the United States. Grivas was not having any of this. He wanted nothing less than enosis. When he died on 27 January 1974, Makarios was relieved and gave an amnesty to all the Eoka-B members, but terrorism did not cease. That 100,000 mourners were present at Givas's funeral showed that his enosis aims had not died with him.

UNFICYP: POST-1974.

The Coup

BETWEEN 1971 and 1974, Makarios and Rauf Denktas, the leader of the Cypriot Turkish community, tried to find a way to settle their dispute. Both sides made concessions and life became easier for the Cypriot Turks. However, Greek Cypriot extremists, encouraged by the Athens dictatorship, were opposed to any settlement. On July 15, Archbishop Makarios barely escaped with his life when he was toppled from power in a coup organised by mainland Greek forces. Thanks to the British he was rescued and taken abroad for his safety. Nicos Sampson was installed as the new President of the Republic of Cyprus. For the next five days of his term in office, Greek Cypriot fought Greek Cypriot. Thousands were killed and even today, no one knows the exact number. Sampson warned the Cypriot Turks that once he had settled scores with the Makarios supporters, he would turn his attention to them. He claimed he could exterminate the whole Cypriot Turkish community within 48 hours and then declare Enosis, union with Greece. Turkey called upon the UK Government to intervene, but London prevaricated. Turkey was left to act alone.

Turkey intervenes

ON 20 July 1974, Turkey launched an airborne assault in the area of north Nicosia. An amphibious assault on the coast near Kyrenia took place simultaneously. It took two-and-a-half days to break through the mountains and link up with the airborne troops. With a quarter of the island in their hands, the Turks called a cease-fire. This was conditional to Greek Cypriots and Greek mainland forces stopping their attacks on Cypriot Turks who were living in villages and towns in areas still under Greek control. Until the Turkish forces reached the northern perimeter of Nicosia International Airport, UN troops were brushed aside. In one battle in Nicosia, members of the Canadian contingent were given 20 minutes to clear their position before shelling would start. They pulled out in a hurry and exactly 20 minutes later, the buildings in which they had stayed were flattened. At the airport, matters were different. Apart from the Greek forces putting up strong resistance, the UK Government warned Turkey not to advance further. Orders were given to British troops to take up battle stations and be ready to fight. Turkey denies this.

Mervyn Lemon, as a REME Major attached to UNFICYP, was present at Nicosia International airport when the Turkish Army advanced. He remembers: 'We were told to defend the site against the Turks and my lads at the UNFICYP Workshop REME, which faced the Turkish area, were on the front line. Brigadier Frank Henn was the British Commander and General Prem Chand was the UNFICYP overall commander.

'My REME lads had to dig trenches and take up defensive positions in the buildings. We had no anti-tank weapons until some LAW were delivered. I remember having to instruct the boys under the snooker table with blankets hanging down to hide the light. We were joined the next morning by a team and an anti-tank 120mm Recoiless Gun from the Canadian 22nd (the infamous Vingt Deux).

'When four Turkish American-made tanks approached our fence - made of triple rolls of barbed wire - they were "politely" shown a 120mm round by the Vingt Deux. The Turks decided to withdrew, but their commander then approached under a white flag.

'Because he had been a gast arbiter in Germany and spoke German, we conversed in that language. He wanted confirmation that we were genuine UN troops and not Greek forces dressed in UN uniforms: a ploy the Greeks had tried elsewhere. Having assured himself that we were genuine and my having made it clear that any further advance would be resisted by force, he withdrew.

'Subsequent to this, Brigadier Henn arrived and "cease fire" negotiations began with the Turks and Greeks.

'Probably the most bizarre event of the time was when the Greeks Cypriots manning anti-aircraft guns near the airport shot down a Greek Air Force plane carrying an airborne force from mainland Greece. '

Major-General J.J. Quinn, a former UNFICYP Commander told me: "We were never intended to fend off a major attack by either side. However, our very presence in Cyprus resulted in peace being established at a very early stage. Had it not been for UNFICYP, I doubt you would have had a truce so very early on." Urgent talks were held between the leaderships of two Cypriot communities in Geneva. They floundered because Cypriot Turks were still being killed long after the Turkish cease-fire. Turkey gave an ultimatum: stop or we will move again. The Greeks did not stop. The Turks acted again. On 14 August, they moved forward in greater strength. In about four days, they secured the northern third of Cyprus, which has become the TRNC. During the second phase, the Turks captured Famagusta and the Karpas, Morphou and Lefke in the northern foothills of the Troodos. Eight UN soldiers died during the short war, 60 were seriously injured and many others were put at risk trying to save Greek and Turkish Cypriot lives. Three days after the Turkish intervention, Sampson quit as President and Glafcos Clerides took over in the absence of Makarios. Makarios resumed office in December 1974.

Cyprus divided

AFTER Turkey stopped its advance and cease-fire terms between the opposing sides were agreed on 16 August, UNFICYP was left with a new set of problems. It had to organise the repatriation of Prisoners of War, taken by both sides, deal with some 250,000 Cypriots (Greek and Turkish) who had lost their homes and evacuate non-Cypriots who wished to leave the island. With the cease-fire lines established and a Buffer Zone (BZ) created between the two sides, the transfer of populations began. As part of Operation Mayflower, 8,000 Turks from their villages in the South were escorted to the North in large UN convoys. The Cypriot Turks who had sought refuge in the British Sovereign Bases were flown from RAF Akrotiri by Turkish charter aircraft and then transferred from Ankara to northern Cyprus, as the Greek Cypriot authorities would not allow them to be moved by road.

The Buffer Zone

TODAY the UN controls a Buffer Zone between North and South Cyprus. It runs 180 kilometres, encompassing three per cent of the island's surface area. It starts on the northern coast near Kokkina, crosses the Troodos mountains to reach Astromeritis. From there it continues through some of the island's finest arable land and citrus producing areas until it reaches the eastern edge of Nicosia. Then it zigzags and divides the capital, emerging near Ormorphita, a place and name that stirs violent passions. It was here, during Christmas 1963, that Nicos Sampson launched waves of Eoka irregulars against the Cypriot Turkish community. Resistance was tough, but not strong enough to prevent the loss of many lives. Fifty homes were smashed to their foundations, 250 were damaged beyond repair and 550 Cypriot Turks were taken hostage. How many died remains unknown. From Ornorphita the BZ cuts through the countryside until it stops on the perimeter of the Eastern Sovereign Base at Dhekelia. On the far side, near Dherinia, it resumes again until it reaches the coast just south of Famagusta. In parts of the BZ Turkish and Greek Cypriot National Guard forces are separated by several miles, while in others, in Nicosia for example, the distance may be the width of a narrow street. Along the BZ there are about 152 UNFICYP Observation Posts (OPs) - manned round the clock - with a linking patrol track used night and day by UN vehicles. There are also patrols by air - and even bicycle in central Nicosia, upholding a 38-year-old tradition, started by the first Finnish contingent. It arrived on 26 March 1964, unpacked its bikes from the aircraft and rode in formation from Nicosia airport to their designated positions.

THE OPs are white-washed buildings, their sides and roofs marked with two large letters: UN. Each usually has a watch-tower, flying the UN flag. Initially there were four distinct areas of responsibility for the various national contingents, but when Canada withdrew its troops, Sector Three disappeared and the areas of control were readjusted. Sector One, near Kokkina, is managed by Argentineans. Next, Sector Two remains under UK control. Slovakian and Hungarian soldiers are responsible for Sector Four. Sectors Two and Four have taken over the territory previously patrolled by Sector Three. "Mixed" villages in the Buffer Zone are policed civilian officers of UNCIVPOL - the UN Civilian Police.

 
 

Division established

BEFORE leaving her post as the UN's Chief of Mission two years ago, New Zealand's Dame Ann Hercus made it clear that Greek Cypriot jurisdiction in Cyprus ends south of the BZ. She told members of the Rotary Club in South Nicosia: "It is an essential element of the cease-fire that neither side can exercise authority beyond its own military lines or make a military moves... "It follows that, in the area between the lines, the status quo is maintained, without prejudice to an eventual settlement concerning the disposition of the area."

The British contingent

WHILE the governments of most UN contingents go out of their way to make life comfortable for their troops in Cyprus, the UK Government takes the view that for British soldiers it is a "normal posting", except that it lasts six months rather than two years. Unlike other contingents, the British troops do not receive any UN pay or given special concessions. By contrast, the Swedes, when they were in Cyprus, were mainly civilians in uniform. They received both their civilian and military salaries during their tour of duty. For them it became known as the "Volvo posting" as most were able to return home with enough money to buy a top of the range model. The Canadians, an all-regular contingent, had a C-130 fly from Germany on a weekly basis, stocked with duty-free items that they had ordered for themselves. Before they went back, Canadian Customs officials would arrive and check-out the soldiers so that they would not be delayed on their return home. "It gets a bit repetitive at times, having to observe the same scenery every day and night," one British squaddie told me when I toured the BZ. "Sometimes the day time temperature reaches 130 degrees F. At home, I think we're the forgotten army." Although he did not complain, he did envy the treatment other nations' soldiers received. Yet without the British troops and the massive logistical support from the Sovereign Bases, UNFICYP would collapse. Britain provides a battalion of soldiers and other support facilities provided at the Sovereign Bases. The British contingent has the greatest area of responsibility, which includes the divided capital of Nicosia. Britain is the only country who has been part of UNFICYP throughout its existence.

Powerless

WHEN operating in the BZ, UN soldiers must carry a white card called "UN Field Guidance" that instructs them on "the restraint and temporary detention of civilians in the Buffer Zone". Printed in Greek, Turkish and English, the card has large letters which state: "YOU ARE WITHIN A DANGEROUS PART OF THE UNITED NATIONS BUFFER ZONE. UNLESS YOU LEAVE IMMEDIATELY YOU WILL BE HANDED TO THE POLICE." The police in question are UN civilian officers. "Force", the card declares, must be avoided if possible. Only as a last resort may "minimum force" be used, its level determined by "common sense". The UN soldiers also carry a yellow card. This tells them how to tackle "non-UNFICYP military personnel" entering the BZ. It categorically prohibits the use of any force "to get the violators to leave the UN BZ". but insists that the UN soldiers "stay in place and, if required, be reinforced until the violators have returned to their own positions". UN soldiers are generally armed with only their cards, a rifle, with 20 rounds of ammunition, and a canteen of water when they are on patrol. UNFICYP activity in the BZ concerns economic functions, such as agriculture, health, and the maintenance of public utilities that cross it.

'British professionalism'

THE 1974 War changed the geographical situation and has made it easier for UNFICYP to operate. Its tasks are less contradictory. The two sides of Cyprus manage their own affairs and the UN task is simply to maintain the status quo, report breaches of the cease-fire conditions and laise. Although the Turkish Army has never recognised UNFICYP's jurisdiction post-74 and has never signed a UN document of any kind, it has always co-operated with the Force and maintains a good working relationship with Blue Berets as I have witnessed at meetings I have attened, Turkish commanders have told me frequently that they respect the British troops for their "professionalism".

BETWEEN 1964 and 1968, UNFICYP numbered 4,500 soldiers. The Force was reduced to 3,500 in 1969 until 1972. After the 1974, it was increased temporarily to 4,440. Today UNFICYP's total strength (military personnel and civilian police) of UNFICYP is about 1,265. The military personnel come from Argentina, Australia, Austria, Bolivia, Brazil, Canada, Chile, Finland, Hungary, Ireland, Paraguay, Peru, Republic of Korea, Slovakia, the United Kingdom, and Uruguay. There are also 35 police officers provided by Australia and Ireland. In addition, there are about 140 civilians, 40 recruited abroad and the remainder from the two communities in Cyprus. Since January 2002, Lt-General Jin Ha Hwang of the Republic of Korea has been the UNFICYP Force Commander. He is based at Blue Beret Camp in the UN Protected Area at Nicosia International Airport. It is the only part of the island where UN soldiers are authorised to use force to fend off any attacks from either side, should they occur. The only time UNFICYP has come near to fighting was during the 1974 Turkish intervention. Troops, mainly British and Canadian, took up positions at Nicosia Airport, ready to stop either side capturing this strategic location. Today the area is called the "UN Protected Area".
For operational purposes, the military component is spread across three sectors.

The Real Peace Force?

A point of disagreement between UNFICYP and the Turkish Army exists: the Turks consider they are the "peace force" in Cyprus, not UNFICYP. They point out that in the first 10 years of UNFICYP, hundreds died on both sides as fighting continued, but with the arrival of the Turkish Army there have been less than a dozen deaths due to communal differences. This is why the Turks call themselves the Turkish Peace Force in Cyprus, a title that causes offence to some UN officers, particularly the Finns, as I have seen for myself during liaison meetings. These have made me realise how little some UN staff know the background to the situation in Cyprus today. UN documents reveal that in 1974 the UK abdicated some of its rights under the Treaty of Guarantee by withdrawing from positions in Famagusta harbour (now under Turkish control) and allowed Turkish encroachment at the Eastern Sovereign Base. These papers, too, do not call the Turkish action an "invasion", but refer to it as an "intervention" under its treaty obligations, contrary to the propaganda from the Greek side that has coloured world opinion. However, there is an irony: even now the UNFICYP mandate is renewed every six months by the Security Council with the approval of the Greek Cypriot side alone, although the TRNC rarely disapproves. Officially, UNFICYP is allowed to travel freely in the South, but cannot. The North also places restrictions on where and when UN vehicles can travel. For the most part, they must confine themselves to main roads and some areas of tourist attraction. Their movement is monitored closely by the Turkish Army. In large part, UN soldiers are encouraged to take their R&R in the South, which the Cypriot Turks believe gives them a biased outlook. Recently there have been some UN efforts made to let soldiers spend vacation time in specially approved hotels in the North.

UNFICYP'S FUTURE

EARLY in 2002, bi-lateral talks began again between Turkish Cypriot President Rauf Denktas and President Glafcos Clerides of the Republic of Cyprus in a conference room on the UN Protected Area. President Denktas initiated them and President Clerides responded positively, but when the UN tried to act as negotiators, Denktas objected.

The talks were prompted by the South's application to join the EU and the EU's willingness to accept South Cyprus as representing the whole island from May 1 2004.

Although the talks began in an atmosphere of optimism, they soon stalled, but the UN pressed both sides to at least initial an outline agreement for a form of united Cyprus prior to EU membership.

The UN drafted a comprehensive plan, which the Greek Cypriot authority broadly accepted with certain reservations. The Turkish Cypriot administration requested more time to study the proposals before giving its considered response in 2003.

While the UN waited to see what the two sides would decide, the South held presidential elections on February 16 2003. To the surprise of many, Tassos Papadopoulos massively beat incumbent veteran politician Glafcos Clerides to become the fifth president of the Greek-Cypriot Republic of Cyprus.

Papadopoulos would now represent Greek Cypriots in the pivotal UN-sponsored negotiations with President Rauf Denktas of the Turkish Republic of North Cyprus. When the 1960 co-partnership Republic of Cyprus was created Archbishop Makarios, the first president, picked London-trained lawyer Papadopoulos for the Island's cabinet because of his involvement in EOKA. Understandably, this did not make him popular with the Cypriot Turks. Papadopoulos, however, assured the Turkish side that he was not hostile and that their rights would not be affected by changes he wanted in the "reunification plan" presented by U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan.

On March 10 2003, UN Secretary General Kofi Annan summoned Papadopoulos of South Cyprus and Denktas to The Hague, but the two Cypriot leaders would barely speak to each other.

Following 20 hours of negotiations, the talks collapsed - yet again. Kofi Annan immediately issued a written statement: 'Regrettably these (peace) efforts were not a success. We have reached the end of the road.' The statement was read to the media by Alvaro de Soto, Annan's special envoy.

'This was not a plan we could ask the people to vote on," said President Denktas, adding that he was willing to continue talking to his opposite number to find a way of closing their differences outside the auspices of the UN. 'If there is a way out we'll find it,' he said.

President Papadopoulos expressed his 'sadness and disappointment' that the talks had ended in failure.

At UNFICYP headquarters in Nicosia Airport, where talks had taken place for a year, a spokesman said: 'There is sadness but little surprise. Everyone feels sorry for the (De Soto) team and the Turkish Cypriots. We have seen the solution. No one ever said it would be palatable, but it was the most palatable that could be presented.'

The EU immediately confirmed its intention to admit Greek Cyprus as a member state in 2004, acknowledging it as the government of the whole Island. Asked whether the EU would then consider north Cyprus part of its territory and 'under occupation by Turkey', spokesman Jean-Christophe Filori replied: 'Yes, we can look at things in that way. The occupation has always been considered illegal by the international community, including the EU. Nothing changes that.'

Last Chance Saloon

AS WORLD attention concentrated on the situation in Iraq after the fall of Saddam, the Greek side in Cyprus prepared itself for full membership of the EU. Behind the scenes at the UN, the United States and Britain pushed the Secretary General to devise a new settlement plan to avoid complications for the EU and risk further instability in the Mid-East.

Reluctantly the Greek and Turkish sides were brought back to discuss their differences. If they refused to agree, Annan warned the UN would put its plan directly to the people of Cyprus in a simultaneous referendum.

Meanwhile, Cypriot Turks elected a new prime minister- Mehmet Ali Talat - and demonstrated forcefully for a settlement. They saw the dangers ahead if the TRNC continued to be embargoed.

Despite world pressure, neither Denktas nor Papadopoulos believed the UN plan was in their interest. Both were assured that UNFICYP would be expanded and have power to ensure safety for the people, the smooth transfer of land, safe return for some refugees and compensation for lost properties. The UN, EU, US and UK warned the feuding parties that they would be no further talks or plans. This was a last chance to unite the island before Cyprus became an EU member.

Annan urged the leaders of both sides to assess his document, which, he said, was vastly improved on previous versions to create a win-win situation. 'The process of negotiation is not a football match,' he said. 'It is not a question of keeping score of goals and own goals, of winners or losers.'

In a dig at the leaders, Annan's Cyprus envoy Alvaro de Soto told the press later that the people in Cyprus had unfortunately become accustomed to the impression that a settlement meant something quite different than what it realistically could be. He said they now had a heavy responsibility in the run up to the referenda to explain the plan to the people. 'The plan is quite different than the one people have been trashing for the last year or so,' he said. 'It is improved in many ways, which is evident if you read it.'

'Let us be clear.' The UN Secretary General warned, 'the choice is not between this settlement and some other magical mythical solution. In reality, the choice is between this settlement and no settlement.'

People left to decide

GREEK CYPRIOT President Papadopoulos wasn't willing to bend. He called on his people to reject the plan outright in the referendum on April 24. "After judging all the facts and with a full realisation of the historic moment we live through and my heavy responsibility, I am sincerely sorry that I cannot sign acceptance of the Annan plan,' he said. With tears in his eyes, he continued: 'I am asking you to defend what is right, your dignity and history.' He also said the plan effectively wrote off 'the 1974 Turkish invasion' and legitimised the presence of thousands of Turkish troops and settlers on the island.

Across the UN Buffer Zone, Prime Minister Talat pledged to vote 'Yes' for the UN plan. 'Let's say yes so that we can join the international community; let's say yes that we may bring an end to emigration and alienation. Let's say yes that the Turkish Cypriot community can grow in an atmosphere of political equality and EU membership,' he told mass crowds.

On the eve of the referendum, US State Department envoy Thomas Weston warned that if the Greek Cypriots failed to accept the Annan plan, Turkey should not be made to pay the price by means of obstacles to its EU path. 'The increasing consensus among the other EU member countries is that if Turkey fulfils its responsibilities and there is still no resolution because of the Cypriot Greek side's refusal, then under these circumstances a Turkey that has fulfilled the Copenhagen Criteria should not be allowed to remain outside of the EU.'

Former President Clerides declared: 'I am the man who warned that there would be dramatic developments in the Cyprus problem in 2004... I am the man with 50 years of experience in negotiations... and with my experience, I put my hand on the Holy Bible and swear: My assertions are not done for any other reason and let us be proven wrong, but they are serious and responsible assertions, that the dangers we face from a 'no' would be the burial of the land of our fathers.'

US Secretary of State Colin Powell told the Greek Cypriot media: "We have to act on this plan and not hope for something better, or that lightning will strike if we delay,' he said. 'We have made it clear, the United Nations has made it clear, the Secretary General of the United Nations has made it clear and the European Union has made it clear that we expect both parties to abide by all elements of the plan. And I have been encouraged by the statements coming from Turkey, Prime Minister Erdogan and others in his government that they fully intend to meet their obligations under the plan.'

Greeks reject UN plan

ON APRIL 24 Cypriots went to the polls to decide the future of their island. Before sunset the world community knew the result:

OXI/No 76% on the Greek side.
EVET/Yes: 65% on the Turkish side.

This overwhelming rejection of the UN-brokered plan by Greek Cypriots has sealed the permanent partition of the island, Turkey said immediately. 'With the Greek Cypriot "no", the partition of the island has been made permanent,' Foreign Minister Abdullah Gul told reporters.

The European Commission expressed deep regret Greek Cypriots had not approved the Annan plan. 'A unique opportunity to bring about a solution to the long-lasting Cyprus issue has been missed.' It went on to 'warmly' congratulate the Turkish Cypriots for their 'yes' vote. 'This signals a clear desire of the community to resolve the island's problem,' it said, adding that the Commission was ready to consider ways of further promoting economic development of the north.

The UN, which had spent extensive time and effort to complete the 9,000-page document, said a unique and historic chance had been missed. A statement attributed to UN Secretary-general Kofi Annan's spokesman said. 'The Secretary-general applauds the Turkish Cypriots, who approved the plan notwithstanding the significant sacrifices it entailed for many of them.' He also regretted that the Turkish Cypriots would not equally enjoy the benefits of EU accession but he hoped that that ways would be found to ease the plight they have found themselves in 'through no fault of their own'.

Britain and the US were no less disappointed. 'Failure of the referenda in the Greek Cypriot community is a setback to the hopes of those on the island who voted for the settlement and to part of the international community,' said US State Department spokesman Richard Boucher. 'We commend all who voted to approve the plan - particularly a large majority of Turkish Cypriots -for their courage and their vote for peace and reconciliation.'

DECEMBER 2008

The United Nations Security Council on 12 December renewed UNFICYP's mandate for another six months, until 15 June 2009. The Greek Cypriot Permanent Representative to the UN, Minas Hadjimichael, described Resolution 1847 as balanced, pointing out that it 'confirmed in a crystal clear and unequivocal manner' that any solution (of the Cyprus Problem) must be based on a bizonal, bicommunal federation with political equality.

Britain's UN Ambassador, Sir John Sawers , noted the 'good progress' in ongoing talks between the two leaders on the Island but called for an intensification of the peace process during the 2009 window before the onset of elections. He believed there was a readiness among them to 'engage in negotiations that will require a bit of give and take, will recognize that solutions come when each side appreciates the needs of the other and try to find compromises and ways forward'.

In October 2005, UNFICYP's military component was reduced by approximately 30 per cent - from around 1,100 soldiers to 860. Today the Force prefers mobile patrolling in vehicles, on foot and by helicopter than operating a system of manned static Observation Posts spread throughout the 180km-long Buffer Zone. Its emphasis is on liaison and mediation duties rather than the interposition of forces in order to prevent recurrence of fighting between the Greek and Turkish sides.

'The adjustment in operating procedures has proved effective as the UN Force remains able to carry out its mandate in all respects with the reduced manpower and resultant changes to its peacekeeping philosophy,' says UNFICYP.

The British contribution to UNFICYP numbers 278 of all ranks, 26 of which are continuity staff on a two-year posting. The remainder is rotated on a six-month basis. The contingent is stationed mainly at Nicosia in the United Nations Protected Area at the old airport and at the Ledra Palace Hotel. With regular combat forces stretched in Iraq and Afghanistan, around 250 Territorial Army soldiers joined BRITCON in September 2008.

'If the Territorials are sent here, it means that they can do the job,' said a UN source. A spokesman at the British High Commission stressed: 'The Territorial Army consists of fully-trained soldiers.'

With lessened tensions on both sides of the Cyprus divide, the UN, after discussions in London, Athens and Ankara, is optimistic that the ongoing talks between Greek Cypriot President Demetris Christofias (left above) and his Turkish Cypriot opposite number, Mehmet Ali Talat (right above), both left-wingers, could finally reach a settlement on the future of the Island.

NO STARS FOR LEDRA PALACE

SLUM-LIKE conditions are being endured by 600 British UNFICYP peace-keeping forces, housed in the old Ledra Palace Hotel in Nicosia's Buffer Zone.

On a visit to the troops in February 2007, a British Parliamentary group, including Lord Kilclooney, was shocked by what members saw:
* Faulty lavatories that deposited sewage in the soldiers' quarters,
* Inoperable lifts and
* Broken air-conditioning systems,
*Soldiers packed three to a room, because space shortages.

On returning to the UK, Kilclooney immediately aired his concerns about the soldiers' welfare. Minister for Europe Geoff Hoon, a former Defense Secretary, raised the issue with George Lillikas, the Foreign Secretary for South Cyprus. His country has a duty to maintain properties leased by the United Nations.

UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon also stepped up the pressure on the Greek Cypriot administration. He said there was an urgent need for repairs to the building 'to ensure the minimum level of health and safety requirements for the mission's troops'.

The Greek Cypriot authorities now (July 2007) say they have started the tendering process with outside contractors to complete the works.

An EU spokesman comments: 'We do not yet have a firm timeframe for these improvements, but we will continue to raise this matter at the most senior levels.'

Late June a UN Security Council resolution noted 'the unacceptable accommodation conditions endured by many UNFICYP troops', but welcomed the 'recent commitment by the (Greek) Republic to address this issue without delay'.

Lord Kilclooney has warned the Greek Cypriots to act swiftly and satisfactorily, unless they want the UK to withdraw from UNFICYP.

 

UNFICYP remembers its fallen AT A ceremony on 29 May 2007 to mark International Day of UN Peacekeepers, Special Representative of the Secretary-General, Michael Møller, the UNFICYP Chief of Mission, paid tribute to the 172 members who have died in UNFICYP service since 1964. Addressing a gathering that included the advisers to the Greek and Turkish Cypriot leaders, Tasos Tzionis and Rasit Pertev, Mr Møller said: "We do well to remember that here in Cyprus, UNFICYP, a mission often overshadowed by the news from more embattled and less peaceful contemporary peacekeeping operations, has its own record of lives lost and sacrifices made in the name of peace and the healing of this divided island... Some of our UNFICYP colleagues fell in the fire of conflict. Most died as the result of accidents or illness. Whatever the causes, all died in the service of peace - far from home and loved ones." Mr Møller then unveiled a plaque listing all 172 names. He called it, "a roll call of honor intended as a lasting tribute to their ultimate sacrifice and as a sign of respect and gratitude to them and to the countries they came from." Leaders' advisers Tassos Tzionis, representing the Greek Cypriots' President, and Rasit Pertev, representing the Turkish Cypriots' President, with UNFICYP Chief of Mission, SRSG Michael Moller, and UNFICYP Force Commander, Maj. Gen. Rafael Barni, at the UN International Peacekeepers' Day ceremony in St. Columba's Church in the UNPA, near UNFICYP HQ, The two advisers joined members of the diplomatic community and UNFICYP staff members for the unveiling of a plaque listing the names of all 172 peacekeepers who have died on peacekeeping service in Cyprus since the inception of the mission 43 years ago. Force padres from the Argentinian, British and Slovak contingents at the dedication of the plaque commemorating the 172 UNFICYP peacekeepers who died on duty. Photo copyright: UNFICYP

David Carter

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